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U.S. Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken attend the fifth 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue in New Delhi, India, on Nov. 10, 2023. Courtesy of wikicommons/U.S. Secretary of Defense, photo by Chad J. McNeeley.

Last week, the Biden administration announced the deployment to Israel of a major air defense system along with American troops to operate it.

The announcement was a big deal. The Terminal High Altitude Area Defense is one of the U.S. military’s most prized defense systems. It can intercept short-, medium- and intermediate-range ballistic missiles as part of a multi-layered air defense and includes a half dozen truck-mounted launchers, equipped with multiple interceptors and a radar package to detect incoming threats. It usually takes 100 troops to operate the THAAD system.

The announcement came as Israel was considering — and discussing with the U.S. — a response to Iran’s recent massive missile attack that was successfully repelled by Israel with assistance from the U.S. and others.

Deployment of the THAAD system appears to reflect some degree of adjustment by the U.S. in its evaluation of what Israel will need to defend itself properly against what will likely be a more intense missile barrage from Iran in reaction to Israel’s planned response to Iran’s attack.

The day after the THAAD announcement, word leaked out about a letter to Israeli leaders from the Biden administration, demanding that Israel do several things within 30 days to improve humanitarian conditions in Gaza or risk a cut-off of U.S. weapons that Israel needs to defend itself.

The four-page letter from Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin to Israeli Minister for Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer and Minister of Defense Yoav Gallant was detailed and specific. It listed demands relating to Israel’s military activity within Gaza, including the permanent allowance of 350 daily aid trucks into Gaza and an expansion of the number of border crossings for aid transport, and demanded humanitarian pauses in Israel’s war effort for the next four months to allow for aid distribution.

The letter stunned the pro-Israel community, as the threat to cut off military aid to Israel was understood to be a diplomatic red line that would not be crossed. And yet, that’s exactly what the letter threatened to do.

Adding to the concern was that both Blinken and Austin — who are deeply involved in the intricacies of the conflict — seemed to ignore Israel’s justification for closing border crossings as part of its renewed military operation in Gaza; failed to acknowledge the expansive efforts Israel has been taking for the past year to provide humanitarian aid, immunization programs, medical care and evacuation warnings to Palestinian civilians victimized by Hamas; and the ongoing theft by Hamas of large portions of humanitarian aid that has been provided.

More shocking, however, was the failure of the Blinken-Austin letter to even mention the more than 100 hostages still being held by Hamas in Gaza, including seven American citizens.

We have no problem with Israel’s most precious ally and protector urging more comprehensive concern for innocent Palestinian citizens in Gaza. But as Blinken and Austin know, the best way to do that is through quiet persuasion. And they know that the only thing the public threat to cut military aid to Israel achieves is the emboldening and encouragement of Israel’s detractors and those who seek to weaken Israel’s defenses.

Israel didn’t start this war. But Israel needs to finish it. We urge the administration to make clear that it not only supports Israel’s right to defend itself but also supports Israel’s right to finish the job.



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Antony Blinken,Editorial,Gaza,Iran,Israel,Israel-Hamas war,Israeli military,Joe Biden,military aid,pro-Israel,weapons

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